Eucalyptus Plantation. Photography extracted from “Eucalyptus to kill biodiversity” (SolonFundation.org, 2020). 

The seed of the monoculture model 

The tree monoculture model, or the practice of planting single species on a large scale, originated in Europe during the 18th century to maximize production and meet the industrial and commercial demands from a world undergoing rapid and often unchecked economic expansion.

As the model spread across Europe into the early twentieth century, concerns began to surface about the diseases, soil degradation, and loss of biodiversity associated.

Unlike countries such as Germany and Norway, which increasingly emphasize more diverse, native species-focused forestry approaches, the Latin American model relies heavily on exotic species, especially pine and eucalyptus. In contrast, European models increasingly integrate monoculture plantations within a broader landscape of mixed and native forests and adopt “close-to-nature

Following the “Green Revolution,” tree monoculture spread to Africa, Asia, Oceania, and Latin America, where it gained traction through the use of fast-growing exotic species such as eucalyptus and pine, primarily to supply the pulp and paper industry. This expansion was enabled by the availability of so-called “cheap” land—made “cheap” due to political instability, power

The adaptation of monocultures to the Chilean environment

The history of monoculture forestry in Chile stands as one of the most iconic—and troubling—cases globally. The establishment of “forest plantations” has been marked by conflict since their origin, deeply rooted in the dispossession of Mapuche lands during the Chilean military occupation of Araucanía, euphemistically called the "pacification" (1861–1883). This campaign resulted in the Mapuche losing control of approximately 9.5 million hectares of ancestral territory (Barrega A., 1999; Torres-Salinas, 2016).

 In the 1930s, over lands forcibly taken from Mapuche communities, the Chilean government began promoting tree plantations to develop a domestic timber industry, as part of a broader strategy of state-led development and import-substitution industrialization (Schmalz S., et al., 2023; Ulloa M., 2021). These policies, built on expropriated territory, established the foundation for enduring conflicts over land and resources.

It was during the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973–1990), however, that the sector witnessed explosive growth. The regime’s neoliberal economic policies—including Decree Law 701 of 1974—provided substantial subsidies and tax incentives for forest plantations, overwhelmingly benefitting large corporations (World Rainforest Movement, 2023; Sotomayor C., 2023; OLCA, 2012; Niklitschek M., et al., 2021).

Pinochet’s government also launched a counter-agrarian reform, aimed at reversing land restitutions made during Chile's Agrarian Reform era, implemented during the administrations of Jorge Alessandri (1958–1964), Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964–1970), and Salvador Allende (1970–1973) (Chonchol J., 2018).

Land previously restored to Indigenous and peasant communities was privatized or transferred to forestry corporations—entrenching patterns of usurpation and setting the stage for contemporary conflicts over territory, rights, and justice.

The counter-reform was orchestrated by the military dictatorship, with input from far-right economists, and under the supervision and guidance of the U.S. government and the CIA (Prieto B., 2013). Its goal was to return lands and capital to private hands following the preceding period of redistribution. This process was marked by severe violence and disproportionately affected both agricultural and forested lands held by peasants and Indigenous communities (Salem V., 2020; Arraño N., 2023).

The re-privatization and land redistribution policies promoted by Pinochet led to a renewed concentration of land ownership in the hands of a rural elite, consolidated primarily through Decree Law 701, which became the sector’s cornerstone. Large economic groups, notably the Matte and Angelini conglomerates—both active supporters of the dictatorship—benefited most from these measures (OLCA, 2015; Radio Universidad de Chile, 2021).

The policy included subsidies, with the state covering up to 75% of the costs of establishing forest plantations on private land. It also offered tax incentives, including reductions in income tax for owners of forested land. The owners of these  lands received industry promotion as help and assistance for the expansion of forest plantations, a coordinated effort between the state and private interests that resulted in the dispossession of Indigenous and peasant lands, accompanied by the burning of native forests to establish monoculture plantations (Periódico Resumen, 2014; Ojo de Treile & RESUMEN, 2023).

This model of usurpation and over-plantation rapidly spread to other Latin American countries (Bull G. et al., 2006), including Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay. Over time, it was frequently supported by international financial institutions and facilitated by government subsidies within the framework of corporate-driven globalization (Kröger M., 2012; 2014), justified as a strategy for economic development and environmental conservation. The promise of rapid growth, high yields, and potential carbon sequestration made pine and eucalyptus the preferred species for these monoculture plantations (Diálogo Chino, 2023).

Business as usual 

Chile boasts over 3 million hectares of forest plantations, predominantly composed of exotic species such as Pinus radiata and Eucalyptus globulus. These plantations have transformed the natural landscape and rural life, highlighting conflicts, changes, and constraints inherent in the extractive forestry model (Hernandez M., 2024).

The forestry sector has become a cornerstone of the national economy, contributing approximately 2.1% of GDP and accounting for 9% of total exports as of 2020 (World Rainforest Movement, 2023). Similar trends are observed throughout the region, with Brazil leading in plantation area, followed by Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay (Diálogo Chino, 2023; Greenpeace Colombia, 2023).

Chile is now transitioning toward mixed agricultural and forestry production, with efforts underway to develop “multifunctional plantations” that aim to conserve biodiversity while producing both timber and non-timber forest products. This approach claim to align with principles of the circular economy and climate change mitigation, as businesses state to promote biodiversity, soil health, and overall ecosystem resilience alongside economic productivity (Diálogo Chino, 2023; En el Américas, 2023).

As global attention increasingly shifts towards addressing climate change and promoting often vague sustainable development goals, the role of monoculture forestry in Latin America, including Chile, in the light of the facts, must be critically reevaluated.

Poverty after development

Industries strive to present themselves as drivers of local development, emphasizing the macroeconomic benefits of forestry while attempting to leave behind the history of abuses perpetrated by the state and corporations against local communities and former landowners.

Nevertheless, perceptions of industrial presence tend to be more negative among those living closer to forestry operations and historical conflict areas (Fawaz M., 2012). In such cases, there is also less acceptance of the expansion of forest plantations as a catalyst for sustainable local development (Fawaz M., 2012).

The documentary "Flames of Dispossession" (Resumen, 2023) illustrates the reality faced by these rural territories, which continue to be marked by cycles of dispossession

“I was born and raised on this farm, and I left when I was 18. Forestal took me away from here, since they were kings and lords. They told my father and took his land, and we had to leave. Forestal burned this same area down here, the first thing they touched was from here down. Then they burned everything here, they set fire to it any day they wanted. When it was time to burn, they set it. Let the poor little animals hear, some escaped, others didn’t.”

This is the case in Mundo Nuevo (Curanilahue), a town in southern Chile where peasant families have a longstanding struggle with forestry companies over their lands (Resumen, 2023). These historical grievances, when combined with environmental conflicts, create complex scenarios for stakeholders, companies, and communities.

The families who accuse Forestal Arauco of burning their fields, homes, and native forest: The case of Mundo Nuevo in Curanilahue (Resumen.cl, 2023).

According to the research from M. Julia Fawaz (2012), municipal authorities indicate that forestry expansion has a decisive impact on rural emigration, increased unemployment in forested areas, the emergence of new issues in urban areas adjacent to forests, the creation or worsening of environmental problems, and growing complexity in local governance.

This view is also shared by small-scale producers, who report a negative perception of forestry plantation expansion. Alongside the uprooting and migration to neighboring towns and villages, they experience job loss and a decline in agricultural integration (Fawaz M., 2012).